Processing of grammatical gender in normal and aphasic speakers of Russian.

Sensitivity to grammatical gender was investigated in 22 Russian-speaking aphasic patients, compared with young controls. Experiment 1 used a cued shadowing paradigm to assess gender priming (facilitation and/or inhibition of lexical access by a prenominal modifier with congruent, incongruent or neutral gender). Experiment 2 used a grammaticality judgment paradigm with similar stimuli. Normals showed significant interactions between gender and priming in Experiment 1 (facilitation for feminine and neuter nouns but not for masculines) and Experiment 2 (larger effects of context on feminine and neuter nouns) that we interpret as a Markedness Effect. Patients showed significant priming in Experiment 1 and above-chance accuracy in Experiment 2, but failed to show reduced effects for the least-marked masculine gender (the Markedness Effect) in either experiment. Context effects were not related to specific aphasic symptoms or subtypes in either experiment. However, canonical correlation revealed differential effects of specific aphasic symptoms on judgment accuracy (false alarms vs. misses). We conclude that knowledge of grammatical gender is spared in Russian aphasics, but gender processing is deviant. A possible model to account for these differences is discussed.